Although a supremacist Israel led by someone like Ben Gvir might strive to impose complete control, this is impossible.
In a pivotal scene from the two-part BBC documentary The Holy Land and Us, two British Jews and two British Palestinians who both have personal ties to the events of 1948 tell their respective stories in parallel.
Nothing in the scene advances the program’s goal of putting the two narratives side by side and on equal footing. Instead, it starkly portrays the asymmetries in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
It occurs when Daniel, one of their visitors on this trip, stands in the vicinity of a battle that his father participated in in 1948. In order to take control of towns close to Tel Aviv, Jewish troops at that time repelled Jordanian forces.
His realization that his father, who never spoke about these events, risked his life to create Israel, moves him to tears.
Daniel didn’t inquire about his location or the 50,000 Palestinians who were displaced from their homes when Jewish forces seized Lod and Ramle. A Palestinian village named Jimzu once stood there; today, nothing remains of it. Only the voice-over makes reference to the Nakba portion of Daniel’s story.
The scene is very revealing.
The idea that two moral narratives are competing in this conflict is asymmetrical on every level.
Despite the fact that Palestinians are all too familiar with the nature of the Zionist conquest in 1948, 1967, and currently, all Zionists have a deep-seated denial of the project to create a Jewish majority state.
Practically, Palestinians under occupation speak Hebrew because everyone passes through an Israeli checkpoint every day and many families have been through the prison system, lived in Jerusalem, or are Israeli citizens. They consume every word that their occupiers say and think, as well as Israeli news.
Because Arabic is no longer taught in schools, fewer and fewer Israeli Jews speak it. However, this pales in comparison to the myths that serve as the foundation for the initiative to establish Israel. The asymmetry explodes here.
The Zionist project denied indigenous people’s right to their land from the beginning. Israeli Money Clergyman and extreme right government official Bezalel Smotrich isn’t quick to say “the Palestinians can’t possibly exist”. It was first said by Golda Meir in 1969.
The Zionist venture denied the Nakba, and every one of the filthy stunts utilized – the distinguishing proof and death of the town headmen, the harming of the wells – to ensure 700,000 Palestinians left and avoided their homes.
It required thirty years of exploration to unpick the promulgation that asserted the locals were told to escape by the propelling Jordanian armed force. Also, an additional forty years before the New Students of history uncovered the degree of slaughters. Not all of them have been documented to this day.
To perpetuate the myth that a new state was being established in an empty space or to use the well-known slogan of fake news that Palestine was “a land without people for a people without land,” every generation of Israeli Jews has worked hard.
Few Israeli Jews will ever use the word “Palestinian” in conversation. They use the term “the Arabs” instead, as if the seven million Palestinians in their midst will one day vanish into the Arab hinterland.
Obviously, there is a furious discussion about the segment reality as well.
On this scale, denial is not just a psychological process. However, it is also that. The people who built Israel consider it to be a Jewish history miracle. There are practical reasons for denial. Because denying even one aspect of what took place and continues to take place every day casts doubt on Israel’s past as well as its future.