Affinities connect us together; whether it is in appearance, approaches, or procedures, people, groups, and nations tend to those with whom they share more. The fact may be the main underlying truth behind the fresh, but swiftly expanding, ties between Saudi Arabia and China. The two nations may not share historical or ideological similarities, but their approaches to diplomacy, engagement, and growth have common elements.
Both Saudi Arabia and China adopt a neutral position in regard with global conflicts, at least apparently, setting the priority on the mid-term and long-term interests. During the Ukraine war, in which Russia was evidently more of an ally for China rather than the west, and the Gaza conflict, which had the Arab brothers of Saudi Arabia on one side, neither country went beyond calling for restraint and peace. Riyadh represented signs of denouncing Hamas for a war that may blaze the whole region, an approach nearly impossible to see a decade earlier. Both Riyadh and Beijing follow a de-escalation policy that serves their interest in boosting the economy and investment initiatives across the region. For Saudi Arabia, peace is a critical factor as the country is located in an already violence-stricken region following years of war in Iraq, Afghanistan, ISIS surge and Yemen war.
As a further sign of similar views, both countries pass over the local affairs of their partners, closing their eyes to the human rights conducts or public dissatisfactions. China paid no heed to the Khashoggi scandal perpetrated by the Saudi crown prince, and turned to his first foreign destination following the Istanbul consulate crime. On the other side, the so-called leader of Islamic world has provided support for China to further suppress the Uighur Muslim community in Xinjiang province. Riyadh asserted that China’s strategies in countering terrorism and extremism shall be endorsed as a national security measure.
Saudi Arabia was one of the last countries in the Middle East to start diplomatic ties with China. Until 1990, the nation was at odds with China over a series of issues at the top of which was the leadership of a communist party. The two countries fought on opposing sides during the cold war era. Riyadh was also a staunch supporter of the independent governance in Taiwan, a red line for rulers in Beijing. The kingdom’s 1980s disillusionment with American and western partnerships drove the rulers to a compromise with China to purchase ballistic missiles in a bid to contain potential threats from Israel and Iran. The secret deal was made in 1986 and was source to a political dispute with the United States two years later.
38 years later, the United States is still a decisive factor in expanding ties between Saudi Arabia and the China. 26 years after recognition of People’s Republic of China, Saudi Arabia was resolved in signing a comprehensive strategic partnership with Beijing finding the political stratagem and economic interests of the country flexible enough to match with Riyadh’s grand growth plans. The two countries also found their developments icons, Saudi Vision 2030 and China’s Belt and Road Initiative, harmonious and complementary.
Saudi-China oil partnership has also been fruitful with the former supplying a total of 13% of Chinese demands. In effect, Saudi Arabia exports a quarter of its oil to China, meaning both countries enjoy a safe seller-customer bond on oil sector. For Saudi Arabia, China is the biggest economic partner securing the country’s requirements in technology, transportation infrastructure, and investment. Besides, Saudi Arabia reportedly started an artificial intelligence cooperation with China, signifying the deepening ties with partners other than the United States.
China owes a great deal of its expanding ties with Saudi Arabia to the events that deepened the East-West blocs division in recent years. It started during the Trump era and his America-first policy that disillusioned partners across the world. With the outbreak of Covid-19, the bubble of global village was pricked once more and countries in the Eastern bloc figured out what a crisis-stricken world could mean to those relying on a small group of western powers. With the advent of Joe Biden in the White House, a wider gap emerged between the United States and countries like Saudi Arabia. Biden office acted passively on Middle East issues reiterating the policy of diminishing American presence in the region and working on the great power competition. Besides, Biden’s knives were out for Saudi Arabia before taking the office, leading the Kingdom to expedite its policy of diversification of allies.
The Ukraine war was another key factor in the formation of a bipolar world that accelerated Saudi-Sino partnership. The war was a rare one against a European nation with countries in the Europe and the United States standing aside in the first months. In line with their abstinence policy over conflicts, both Saudi Arabia and China refrained from taking sides, with the former adopting energy policies that served Russia in the early months after the western sections campaign. Turning down Washington’s call to increase oil export to contain the increasing oil price was a turning point in US-Saudi relationship.
Saudi Arabia set off some security deals with China, but the United States is still the main security and defense ally of the country. Saudi leaders are cognizant about Washington’s lingering role in worldwide agenda and have to find a way to balance their relationship between Beijing and Washington. Riyadh still relies on Washington as its key security ally, despite the wavering commitments in recent years. Moreover, a change in the White House, with the return of Donald Trump or any other similar Republican figure which is on the horizon, could transform the ties with the traditional partner. While China is the biggest commercial partner, the United States is still a tempting ally as the largest economy and military power in the world. As such, Saudi Arabia has turned to one the main hotspots of US-China competition, revealing another miscalculation in Biden policy agenda; the geo-strategic dynamics of the Middle East has cast itself as the host of great power competition.
| The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Al-Sarira. |
